Rarely have I enjoyed a piece of political commentary as much as I did Stephen Greenblatt’s Tyrant: Shakespeare on Politics.
IIn William Shakespeare’sRarely have I enjoyed a piece of political commentary as much as I did Stephen Greenblatt’s Tyrant: Shakespeare on Politics.
IIn William Shakespeare’s day, it wasn’t safe to disagree with power. Unlike today’s America, with the protections of the First Amendment, his world was governed by the near-absolute power of the monarch, the aging Queen Elizabeth. And speaking ill of the queen led to swift and often deadly punishment. Instead, the Bard through his plays would examine the ways and means of tyranny, delving into the past and into foreign lands to create his voices that could say what could not be said frankly (“Greenblatt is the Harvard Shakespeare expert who co-founded new historicism, the lit-crit practice that seeks to place works in their historical context.”)
In the vein of speaking obliquely, this is Greenblatt’s commentary on Donald Trump, though the president is not named in its pages. Instead, the Tyrant focuses on several of the same that appear in Shakespeare's plays, examining them in their foibles for the causes and results of their tyranny. The book is rooted in an article that Greenblatt wrote for the New York Times in 2016. At a friend’s encouragement, he expanded it to a full book. He focuses his examination on Macbeth, Richard III, Lear, Coriolanus and Leontes from A Winter’s Tale (notably leaving out Claudius, perhaps because he is more well-known than most).
While it is ostensibly a commentary on politics, it does not read like just another piece of political punditry or tribal drivel. On the contrary, Greenblatt makes Shakespeare accessible and, well, interesting, as well as providing principles that can be read and interpreted to apply to almost any power selfish politicians or businessman. Reading it is as enjoyable as watching Shakespeare performed well. As Constance Grady puts it in her review of the book, “There is a certain pleasure to watching Shakespeare’s tyrants work, to watching Richard III brazenly woo Lady Anne over the body of a man he killed or listening to Macbeth’s mournful, poetic speeches.”
Perhaps the biggest observation for me, and where the book most departs from other books that more directly take on Trump, is that Tyrant leaves the reader to make his own observations and conclusions. Here is what a tyrant does; is this what we are living through?...more
In George Orwell’s classic dystopian novel 1984, “thought crime”—a person's politically unorthodox thoughts, such as unspoken beliefs and doubts that In George Orwell’s classic dystopian novel 1984, “thought crime”—a person's politically unorthodox thoughts, such as unspoken beliefs and doubts that contradict the tenets of the ruling party—is an even more serious offense than committing an actual crime. In other words, even allowing yourself to have a thought that does not conform to what the ruling elite has decreed is dangerous.
In reading Timothy Snyder’s On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, I often felt like Snyder is channeling his inner Orwell. Instead of predicting what might happen, he is warning us of what will happen again if we do not learn from the history, wars, dictatorships, and tragedies of the whole 20th century since. Orwell was predicting the future, a future where the state was supreme and dominated by one party, where thought was a crime and love was illicit. Snyder is proclaiming that the danger of tyranny has not passed, and may not pass unless we learn lessons from our history. Big Brother still looms large.
Here below are his lessons, and they’re largely as important to us in a liberal democracy as they are anywhere else in the world—maybe more so as populist elements in our politics provide openings for demagogues with a penchant for self-aggrandizement instead of civic virtue or public good.
1. Do not obey in advance. Think about Hitler’s Germany, where power was gained democratically (mostly). Most of the power of authoritarianism is freely given by the people. In times like these, individuals think ahead about what a more repressive government will want, and then offer themselves without being asked.
2. Defend institutions. Institutions are not platforms for individuals, but tent-poles that hold up our liberal republic. But if we abuse them, they will fall. So they need our help. Do not speak of “our institutions” unless you make them yours by acting on their behalf. Institutions do not protect themselves. So choose an institution you care about and take its side.
3. Beware the one-party state. This seems obvious, but all too often we blink at the dominance of one party. And remember that parties that remade states—the Nazis or the Communists, most obviously—and suppressed rivals were not omnipotent from the start. They exploited a historic moment to make political life impossible for their opponents. Support the multi-party system and defend the rules of democratic elections. We don’t always recognize when we are living in a historic moment, but constant vigilance keeps us safe.
4. Take responsibility for the face of the world. I love this one. The symbols of today enable the reality of tomorrow. Notice the swastikas and other signs of hate. And watch for new signs of hate. Does it divide? Does it create an “other”? Does it push a wedge? Do not look away, and do not get used to them. Remove them yourself and set an example for others to do so.
5. Remember professional ethics. Institutions are not found solely in government, but also in the professional groups we belong to, be it the law, medicine, accounting, business, or any other. Snyder says that when political leaders set a negative example, professional commitments to just practice become important. It is hard to subvert a rule-of-law state without lawyers or to hold show trials without judges. Authoritarians need obedient civil servants, and concentration camp directors seek businessmen interested in cheap labor.
6. Be wary of paramilitaries. I struggle with this one because it touches so close to the Second Amendment, the right to defend one’s self, one’s state, and resist the government’s overreach. If we give up our guns, who is to give the military pause when an unjust or illegal order is given from above? Snyder argues that when the men with guns who have always claimed to be against the system start wearing uniforms and marching around with torches and pictures of a Leader, the end is nigh. When the pro-leader paramilitary and the official police and military intermingle, the end has come. I think that it’s a salient argument, but one that needs more depth. Uniformed militia under the state is one thing; uniformed militia blindly (or not blindly, I suppose) following The Leader is another.
7. Be reflective if you must be armed. If you carry a weapon in public service, God bless you and keep you. But know that evils of the past involved policemen and soldiers finding themselves, one day, doing irregular things. Be ready to say no. I would add to Snyder’s point—because, again, he doesn’t seem to be completely okay with the paradigm of private individuals going about armed, which I think is a critical right in our democracy—that being reflective applies to all armed individuals. Showboating your AR-15 in a crowd or in the mall does nothing to build trust and confidence.
8. Stand out. This speaks to the need to be more than just what I call a lurker online. No, you don’t need to engage in every argument on the internet—that’s akin to casting your pearls before swine. But it is easy to follow along, and research shows that all too often people follow because they are under the impression that everyone else feels the same way. It can feel strange to do or say something different. Without occasional unease, there is no freedom. Remember Rosa Parks. The moment you set an example, the spell of the status quo is broken, and others will follow.
9. Be kind to our language. AMEN. Avoid pronouncing the phrases everyone else does. Think up your own way of speaking, even if only to convey that thing you think everyone is saying. Make an effort to separate yourself from the internet. Read books.
10. Believe in truth. Snyder says that to abandon facts is to abandon freedom. If nothing is true, then no one can criticize power because there is no basis upon which to do so. If nothing is true, then all is a spectacle. The biggest wallet pays for the most blinding lights. Everything is relative. And that’s just hogwash.
11. Investigate. I feel like this one is becoming harder each day. But Snyder says it is important to figure things out for yourself, to spend more time with long articles. He suggests paying for investigative journalism by subscribing to print media (I choose the WSJ for my reading, though I read others when I can). A lot of what is on the internet is there to mislead or harm. Learn about sites that investigate propaganda campaigns (some of which come from abroad). Take responsibility for what you communicate to others, and try to be accurate.
12. Make eye contact and small talk. More than being polite, this is part of what it means to be a neighbor, a citizen, and a responsible member of society. It is also a way to stay in touch with your surroundings, break down social barriers, and understand whom you should and should not trust. If we enter a culture of denunciation, you will want to know the psychological landscape of your daily life. Snyder doesn’t say it, but maybe we should recognize that cancel culture is an extension of this theme, no matter whether it comes from the Left or the Right.
13. Practice corporeal politics. Power wants your body softening in your chair and your emotions dissipating on the screen. Get outside. Put your body in unfamiliar places with unfamiliar people. Make new friends and support them in their trials and struggles.
14. Establish a private life. Remember that what you put online is permanent (or pretty close to it). Nastier rulers will use what they know about you to push you around. Scrub your computer of malware. Remember that email is skywriting. Consider using alternative forms of the Internet, or simply using it less. Have personal exchanges in person. For the same reason, resolve any legal trouble because it can be used against you.
15. Contribute to good causes. Be active in organizations, political or not, that express your own view of life. Pick a charity or two and set up autopay. If you’re religious, be actively involved and engaged. Be a good neighbor. See also #12 above.
16. Learn from peers in other countries. Keep up your friendships abroad, or make new friends abroad. Snyder is far more international in his thinking than I am, but perhaps he’s not wrong. If America is to be a light on a hill, then we must also be willing to be humble and willing to go and learn and build friendships beyond our shores. Make sure you and your family have passports.
17. Listen for dangerous words. Be alert to the use of the words extremism and terrorism. They have been used regularly over the last century as excuses to take power and expand the state. Be alive to the fatal notions of emergency and exception. Be angry about the treacherous use of patriotic vocabulary.
18. Be calm when the unthinkable arrives. Modern tyranny is terror management (see #17). When the terrorist attack comes, remember that authoritarians exploit such events in order to consolidate power. Do not fall for it. In the days of the Roman republic, in moments of crisis, the Senate would appoint a dictator to address the threat, but that dictator was limited to just the year to protect the nation—and yet, Caesar still rose to become Emperor. Should we be any less surprised when one man attempts to take greater power for himself in the wake of a crisis?
19. Be a patriot. Set a good example of what America means for the generations to come. Patriotism is a good thing, but it doesn’t spring fully grown as from Zeus’s head, but in the lessons we pass on to our children.
20. Be as courageous as you can. If none of us is prepared to die for freedom, then all of us will die under tyranny.
What other lessons might we learn from history to avoid tyranny? What lessons are salient to you?
(Thanks to SSN for helping summarize these points)...more
Tonight I finished reading Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coates. It's a short read and reads fast. A letter to his son, Coates' voice is intenTonight I finished reading Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coates. It's a short read and reads fast. A letter to his son, Coates' voice is intense and direct.
I'm still processing Coates' message. I admit that I find it distinct from my own life experience, a view of America and the world rooted far from my own. Where I grew up in largely homogenous communities, often in rural parts of the west, Coates is a child of the black inner city of the coast. His book is a personal narrative, a recasting of American history as resting on the backs of African slave labor, the sting and oppression which has never quite left our country, the plunder of which continues to bolster the children of our oppressor ancestors.
The son of a minority religious group--at least until I moved to Utah--there are moments when I can sympathize with the affinity he found at Howard University, a place where he finds for the first time the books to explain his culture, his past, his history, and a multimillennial explanation of the oppression of the African race. Like many of us, he begins to discover that he can become something more, that the ability to write taught him by his mother can become a tool for an inquiry into the world. With this...coming of age?...in the world during college I am able to find some empathy, for I too found people who understood me for the first time when I left home to attend college. But it is a tenuous connection. Coates story remains, for me, almost an anthropological look into a world that is very, very different from my own. It is familiar and yet alien.
And so I'm still processing it.
Have you read Between the World and Me, yet? What was your experience?
If not, have you heard of the book and intend to read it?...more
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