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Brazil: A Biography
A sweeping and absorbing biography of Brazil, from the sixteenth century to the present
For many Americans, Brazil is a land of vast natural resources and entrenched corruption; extraordinary wealth and grinding poverty; beautiful beaches and violence-torn favelas. Brazil occupies a vivid place in the American imagination, and yet it remains largely unknown.
In an extraordinary journey that spans five hundred years, from European colonization to the 2016 Summer Olympics, Lilia M. Schwarcz and Heloisa M. Starling’s Brazil offers a rich, dramatic history of this complex country. The authors not only reconstruct the epic story of the nation but follow the shifting byways of food, art, and popular culture; the plights of minorities; and the ups and downs of economic cycles. Drawing on a range of original scholarship in history, anthropology, political science, and economics, Schwarcz and Starling reveal a long process of unfinished social, political, and economic progress and struggle, a story in which the troubled legacy of the mixing of races and postcolonial political dysfunction persist to this day.
For many Americans, Brazil is a land of vast natural resources and entrenched corruption; extraordinary wealth and grinding poverty; beautiful beaches and violence-torn favelas. Brazil occupies a vivid place in the American imagination, and yet it remains largely unknown.
In an extraordinary journey that spans five hundred years, from European colonization to the 2016 Summer Olympics, Lilia M. Schwarcz and Heloisa M. Starling’s Brazil offers a rich, dramatic history of this complex country. The authors not only reconstruct the epic story of the nation but follow the shifting byways of food, art, and popular culture; the plights of minorities; and the ups and downs of economic cycles. Drawing on a range of original scholarship in history, anthropology, political science, and economics, Schwarcz and Starling reveal a long process of unfinished social, political, and economic progress and struggle, a story in which the troubled legacy of the mixing of races and postcolonial political dysfunction persist to this day.
781 pages, Kindle Edition
First published April 27, 2015
About the author
Lilia Moritz Schwarcz
71 books231 followersNasceu em 1957, em São Paulo. É professora titular no Departamento de Antropologia da USP. Seu livro As barbas do imperador - D. Pedro II, um monarca nos trópicos ganhou o prêmio Jabuti Livro do Ano, em 1999. Além deste, publicou também: O espetáculo das raças, O sol do Brasil (prêmio Jabuti de melhor biografia, 2009), D. João carioca - história em quadrinhos sobre a chegada da corte portuguesa ao Brasil, em coautoria com Spacca -, entre outros livros.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 125 reviews
August 30, 2016
Um livro gigante é bem compreensivo da história do Brasil, de 1500 a 2013 (sem tanta coisa depois do ano 2000). Foi o tipo de conteúdo que eu precisava ter recebido e aproveitado no Ensino Médio mas só a cabeça de hoje aprecia. Me convenceu de que o Brasil passou pelo menos os últimos 100 anos com as funções Shuffle e Repeat apertadas, dadas as intervenções, golpes, ditaduras, governos populistas e medidas que mostram o quanto mudamos sem realmente mudar muito.
June 19, 2015
Obra encomendada pela Penguin para ser lançada no exterior a tempo das Olimpíadas de 2016, Brasil: Uma Biografia é uma bem-vinda adição à constelação de livros sobre a história do Brasil da colônia à atualidade.
Apesar de escrito para um leitor leigo, isso não quer dizer que o livro não seja profundo. Mesmo aqueles que já têm amplo conhecimento da história nacional irão apreciar a obra, que, por sinal, foi escrita em estilo muito elegante. Para garantir o rigor historiográfico ao leitor com interesse acadêmico, as autores utilizam-se de centenas de notas bibliográficas, mas que podem ser seguramente ignoradas para dar fluência à leitura.
Como esperado nesse tipo de livro, há pouco sobre política externa e eventos internacionais que afetam o Brasil, tendo as autoras concentrado-se em eventos nacionais. Também como esperado de um livro escrito pela Lilia Moritz Schwarcz, identidade nacional, cidadania e desigualdade social são alguns dos temas-chave que acompanham o leitor durante grande parte do livro. Ainda repercutindo as obras anteriores da autora, há forte ênfase na iconografia, com 137 imagens entre litografias, quadros, fotos, etc.
E como Brasil: Uma Biografia compara-se a outros livros com o mesmo propósito?
Comparando-o ao História do Brasil do Boris Fausto, escrito para alunos de ensino médio, é nítido que Brasil: Uma Biografia é muito mais completo, denso e erudito. Onde Boris Fausto dá pinceladas, as autoras pintam um quadro. Isso não quer dizer que buracos estejam ausentes. Eles existem e são muito, afinal de contas, a obra, apesar de grande, tem apenas um volume, mas isso não tira seu mérito, especialmente se julgada pelo que é: uma história geral do Brasil.
Outra diferença interessante é a maior importância dada ao período pré-República. Enquanto Boris Fausto gasta menos de metade de seu livro com esse período, as autoras delongam, de maneira gostosa, o alvorecer da República. Cinco dos 18 capítulos tratam do período colonial. Entre a vinda de D. João VI, narrada quase como um thriller, e a República, temos mais sete capítulos. Ao fim da monarquia, entramos no capítulo 13. Essa retidão na época pré-republicana é mais um ponto positivo da obra, já que esse período é pouco conhecido pela maioria dos leitores e está na raiz de muitos dos problemas que o Brasil enfrenta na atualidade.
É verdade, no entanto, que a história parece ganhar muita velocidade adentrada a República, mas é difícil culpar as autoras, pois fosse o livro tão detido com a República quanto é com o período pré-republicano, o tomo teria, facilmente, o dobro de páginas, saindo do escopo proposto da obra.
Apesar de escrito para um leitor leigo, isso não quer dizer que o livro não seja profundo. Mesmo aqueles que já têm amplo conhecimento da história nacional irão apreciar a obra, que, por sinal, foi escrita em estilo muito elegante. Para garantir o rigor historiográfico ao leitor com interesse acadêmico, as autores utilizam-se de centenas de notas bibliográficas, mas que podem ser seguramente ignoradas para dar fluência à leitura.
Como esperado nesse tipo de livro, há pouco sobre política externa e eventos internacionais que afetam o Brasil, tendo as autoras concentrado-se em eventos nacionais. Também como esperado de um livro escrito pela Lilia Moritz Schwarcz, identidade nacional, cidadania e desigualdade social são alguns dos temas-chave que acompanham o leitor durante grande parte do livro. Ainda repercutindo as obras anteriores da autora, há forte ênfase na iconografia, com 137 imagens entre litografias, quadros, fotos, etc.
E como Brasil: Uma Biografia compara-se a outros livros com o mesmo propósito?
Comparando-o ao História do Brasil do Boris Fausto, escrito para alunos de ensino médio, é nítido que Brasil: Uma Biografia é muito mais completo, denso e erudito. Onde Boris Fausto dá pinceladas, as autoras pintam um quadro. Isso não quer dizer que buracos estejam ausentes. Eles existem e são muito, afinal de contas, a obra, apesar de grande, tem apenas um volume, mas isso não tira seu mérito, especialmente se julgada pelo que é: uma história geral do Brasil.
Outra diferença interessante é a maior importância dada ao período pré-República. Enquanto Boris Fausto gasta menos de metade de seu livro com esse período, as autoras delongam, de maneira gostosa, o alvorecer da República. Cinco dos 18 capítulos tratam do período colonial. Entre a vinda de D. João VI, narrada quase como um thriller, e a República, temos mais sete capítulos. Ao fim da monarquia, entramos no capítulo 13. Essa retidão na época pré-republicana é mais um ponto positivo da obra, já que esse período é pouco conhecido pela maioria dos leitores e está na raiz de muitos dos problemas que o Brasil enfrenta na atualidade.
É verdade, no entanto, que a história parece ganhar muita velocidade adentrada a República, mas é difícil culpar as autoras, pois fosse o livro tão detido com a República quanto é com o período pré-republicano, o tomo teria, facilmente, o dobro de páginas, saindo do escopo proposto da obra.
August 5, 2018
I just love the beautiful, vibrant and contradictory place that is Brazil! In this comprehensive "biography" of the country, the authors describe the historical and social developments that have shaped their country in the last 500 years: From colonization and the barbaric system of slavery on which Brazlian society rested during the times of the "Sugar Civilization", on to the Brazilian gold rush, the monarchy, the First Republic, to the dictatorship and finally to the current democratic system with all its triumphs and flaws - this is exciting academic writing, passionate and objective at the same time.
I particularly enjoyed that Moritz Schwarcz and Murgel Starling made a point to show how important scientists (like Gilberto Freyre), directors, actors and singers (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gQtRP...), Samba, Bossa Nova and the carnival were and still are when it comes to defining the Brazilian identity and giving marginalised groups a voice - after all, the country is a true melting pot that struggles with persisting racist stereotypes. For hundreds of years, certain social groups have been fighting an uphill battle, and again and again, they have resisted and taken the streets to fight for agency and civil rights.
This book describes the progress and the beauty of the country, but it certainly does not sugarcoat the inequality, injustice and corruption that still pose a threat, because in the end,
"(h)istory is the only resource Brazil can rely on to lend a future to the country's past (...). The future could be bright."
I particularly enjoyed that Moritz Schwarcz and Murgel Starling made a point to show how important scientists (like Gilberto Freyre), directors, actors and singers (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gQtRP...), Samba, Bossa Nova and the carnival were and still are when it comes to defining the Brazilian identity and giving marginalised groups a voice - after all, the country is a true melting pot that struggles with persisting racist stereotypes. For hundreds of years, certain social groups have been fighting an uphill battle, and again and again, they have resisted and taken the streets to fight for agency and civil rights.
This book describes the progress and the beauty of the country, but it certainly does not sugarcoat the inequality, injustice and corruption that still pose a threat, because in the end,
"(h)istory is the only resource Brazil can rely on to lend a future to the country's past (...). The future could be bright."
February 19, 2019
Brazil: A Biography Lilia Moritz Schwarcz and Heloisa M. Starling, is an interesting one volume history of Brazil. Originally published in January 2015, it largely missed the recent historical events that have rocked Brazil - the fall of President Silva through massive street protests, the political instability that followed, and the election of right wing populist Jair Bolsonaro to the presidency. Even so, this book does an excellent job charting the social, cultural, economic and political history of South America's largest country.
The book begins by examining the (sparse) history of Brazil's indigenous peoples, and noting that much has been lost to history due to a lack of written records, and indifference to the plight of Brazil's indigenous community by historians and politicians - which does continue to this day. Brazil's written history largely starts with the charting and colonization of the region by Europeans, who left numerous written records. The area was claimed by Portugal as negotiated in agreements with another regional colonizer; Spain, and approved by Papal decree. However, Portugal spent many decades cementing its claims against rival powers - notably France and the Dutch Republic. However, Portugal eventually one out, and sought to build a colony reliant on the European market, and geared toward the export of raw resources. Porugal in exchange brought over European systems of governance and organization, and missionary zeal for the spread of Catholicism.
Portugal's interests in the region began with the export of Brazilwood, but would eventually grow to include coffee, nuts, fruits, exotic woods and animals, and of course, sugar. This would lead to a large scale transformation of what is now Brazil, as massive plantations were erected. These plantations required a workforce to complete arduous and dangerous tasks for relatively cheap. The Portuguese used slaves. At the beginning the slave workforce was taken from local tribes of indigenous peoples, but as they died off, these were replaced by slaves brought over from Portugal's African colonies; Guinea-Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique. These African slaves brought their own local cultures and customs with them, and transformed Brazil's ethnic makeup. Even so, slaves and freed slaves had almost no rights at all, and were subject to brutal and humiliating treatment, lack of food and shelter, and racial repression for centuries.
This system of Portuguese settlement lasted for centuries until the 19th century. In this time, Portugal created a system of racial hierarchy that favoured white Europeans above all else, and little of the Black, mulatto, or Indigenous populations. European's were prioritized in all aspects of state and local power. Even so, resistances did flare up. Colonies of escaped slaves sprung up in the dense Brazilian interior in order to resist systems of slavery. Federalists and Republicans began to organize for provincial/state autonomy, or greater political representation - inspired by events in the United States and France during the Revolutionary era - as well as the independence movements in neighbouring Spanish colonies. Even so, the colonial system in Brazil lasted up to 1822.
Events in Europe would spell the end of Portuguese colonization in Brazil. The invasion of Portugal by Napoleon forced the House of Braganza to flee Lisbon to its colony in Brazil, where it would stay until the early 19th century, years after Napoleon had been defeated. King Joao VI of Portugal set up a government in exile in Brazil, and stayed until after the political situation in Europe has cooled. Upon his return, he left his son Dom Pedro as regent in Brazil. However, a growing nationalist movement that sought Brazilian independence used this as a pretext to declare independence - with Dom Pedro crowned as Emperor in Brazil in 1822. The Empire of Brazil would last until its dissolution in 1894 and the creation of the first Brazilian Republic. During the Empire's tenure, a national identity was created, focusing on myths of environmental purity, and a romanticism of Indigenous figures and imagery. The Brazilian Emperor's (there were two) would involve themselves in attempts to define Brazilian culture as independent of Portugal's, as well as grappling with powerful landowners, the abolitionist movement, and foreign wars against Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay. This final war against Paraguay was to spell the monarchy's downfall - straddled with debt, with numerous casualties, and a war that lasted for five years, the monarchy was eventually overthrown, and a Republic announced in 1894.
This First Republic sought to increase the power of the states against the traditional centralization tactics of the monarchy. Infact, it led to the creation of a cronyist state, where elections were meaningless (with only ~5% of the population eligible to vote). Power shifted between the states of Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais. Each state represented a particular party (Republican and Liberal respectively), and the presidency rotated between each interest group. Power was secured through cronyist deals with local governors, who in turn were given great authority inside their own localities. The people had little or no say in affairs, and slaves, blacks and the indigenous, as well as the poor and immigrants, had no say at all. This state began to prioritize the interests of coffee plantation owners, who became immensely powerful and wealthy as the international price of coffee rose. Even so, this First Republic would see the ending of slavery in Brazil in 1889, although this by no means led to an increase of rights for the black population. The First Republic by and large represented the interests of a small elite, and they did whatever it took - whether it be abolishing slavery or violently repressing revolution, to hold on to power.
This state of affairs lasted until 1930 - when the First Republic was overthrown. This was due to the increasing power of Sao Paulo over its partner in Minas Gerais, as well as the discord in other provinces that had little say in political decisions at the Federal level. Discord also arose from workers, Federalists, and those looking to increase political representation by removing the extremely strict voting requirements. Political instability followed the collapse of the First Republic, and order was restored by Getulio Vargas, who instituted an authoritarian regime under the guise of democracy. At first a firm supporter of the military, and an admirer of Italian Fascism and the Nazi Party, Vargas nevertheless navigated the explosive waters of foreign diplomacy leading up to WWII, while seeing numerous reforms instituted in the style of an authoritarian state. He cozied up to the Americans and British by purchasing arms and technological equipment, while also espousing the nationalist sentiments of the likes of Franco and Mussolini. Vargas put down numerous revolts during his tenure, but also proved to be an astute politician. He always had his finger on the pulse of Brazilian society, and began to promote Brazilian culture in the form of Samba and other cultural phenomena - which became immensely popular in Brazil. He instituted reforms in the economy and sought to strengthen Brazil's industrial sector - Brazil was still largely reliant on exports of agricultural produce at the time. He would eventually go on to support the growing workers movement and in turn his political base was often from trade unions, moderate communists, and social democrats, as well as, for a time, the military. He increased the autonomy of Brazil in the international community, focusing on nationalistic economic policies, a solid political, social and cultural system, and building up the military. This last reform would be his downfall. Although he was an authoritarian figure, and was slow to reform Brazil's atrocious racial policies, he was well liked by most voters at the time. His regime was characterized by economic growth and progress, and an increasing sense of Brazilian nationalism. He also characterized fascism while supporting labour. His reign was a dictatorship through and through, and one with a distinct Brazilian flavour. He also sat over a regime that institutionalized racism and harshly put down any critics.
Vargas was overthrown by his chosen successor - General Dutra, and a group of military officers. Vargas' downfall came in 1946, with a restoration of democracy - albeit for a short period of time. The legacy of Vargas' rule also included the strengthening of the military, and its desire to involve itself in politics. Dutra was an inept politician, and was soon replaced once again by Vargas in the - who was reelected by popular vote in 1950. This time Vargas was forced to participate in a strengthened democracy, and did so adeptly. As said, he courted labour and the left, and created the state owned oil company Petrobas - which meant windfall profits for Brazil. Vargas oversaw the implementation of developmentalist policies in Brazil, following a socialist developmental model of government administered economic development and sector targeting. However, this time powerful groups were poised against him. The military would not forgive Vargas for defeating their chosen candidate, and global politics was on their side. The military formed a clandestine organization that was organized and financially and politically supported by the United States. Vargas began to shift to the left, growing closer to Cuba and using a socialist model favoured by the USSR and satellites. He tried to navigate the waters between the two opposing camps, also courting the Americans, but this time global polarity was too great. Vargas would eventually commit suicide in 1954, in a final act of political theater that delayed a military coup by a few years.
In 1956, a new President took power - Juscelino Kubitscheck (or JK for short). JK was one of the final democratically elected leaders in Brazil, and a fairly adept one at that. He embraced the developmentalist model, and began to modernize Brazil's infrastructure. He built thousands of kilometers of roads throughout Brazil, and oversaw the construction of Brazil's new capital - Brasilia. This was a city built as a symbol of a new Brazil - removing the age old power struggle between Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and other centres of power. These years of democracy were characterized by a growing cultural movement in Brazil, lead by massive amounts of book, film, music and integration into global cultural movements coming from Brazil, and political ideas from the socialist world. It would last until 1963, when a military coup, backed by the United States, sought to overthrow democracy in Brazil and create a dictatorship. It succeeded.
The military regime was characterized by numerous changes in the highest seat of power, but also by extreme political repression and violence. Opposition candidates from any left leaning party, as well as those that spoke out against the military regime, were removed from office. Many were forced into exile. Demonstrations against the coup were put down by force. Trade unions were closed, and strikes broken up by gunfire. Journalists, artists, academics and student leaders were either silenced through censorship, or would disappear or die in mysterious circumstances. The military government set up numerous intelligence agencies to fight communism, but in reality, to stamp out political dissent and strengthen military rule. Any form of dissent was punishable by the law, and emergency measure were put in place to ensure compliance with the military. The Coup was coupled with a period of rapid economic growth - largely due to US investment and the price of oil - factors largely outside of domestic control. Brazilian businesses were largely bought up by foreign interests, and deregulation of economic controls occurred. However, the government would increase its power over culture, the media and politics. This regime was largely brutal in its execution of politics, and brokered no alternative voice. It set up a token opposition - a mere puppet party, and regularly arrested any vocal dissenters from all walks of life. This regime stayed in power - like other authoritarian regimes, due to its economic performance. However, reliance of foreign capital and oil exports made the Brazilian economy fragile, and increasingly reliant on the stability of the global market. When the OPEC crisis of 1973 hit, oil prices surged, and the Brazilian economy crumpled. The governments legitimacy was shaken, and military leaders began to become wary. The path forward was a slow democratization, accompanied by brutal repression of dissent and massive censorship. This regime would only end in 1985.
1985 saw a collapse of the dictatorship, but not necessarily a return to full democracy. The following years up to 2003 were a slow opening of the state, as the government slowly improved the independence of the legislature and judiciary, and uncoupled itself from its developmentalist control of the economy - largely mirroring economic trends globally. This was compounded by the collapse of the USSR in 1989, and the creation of a unipolar world. It also saw the rise of President Lula de Silva - who got his political chops as a dissident labour activist during the dictatorship. His and his successor - Dilma Rousseff's, ideology, however, would collapse under political reality, and he governed much as others have - utilizing favours, cronyism, and corruption. The recent mass protest against Dilma Rousseff came to the fore after leaks about government corruption in regards to Petrobas, the state owned oil company. This book was written before the fall of Rousseff's government, and the election of the current president, Jair Bolsonaro in 2018, who has strong backing from the military.
This book is a wonderful overview of Brazilian history, from its earliest times, through Portuguese colonization, Brazilian monarchy, republics, and dictatorships. The book is a dizzying portrait of numerous characters not mentioned above; poets, painters, politicians, rebels, General's, soldiers and most importantly, the people of Brazil. The book is a slow progression through racial hegemony, slow reform, and modern society - characterized by increasing poverty, slowly improving social rights, and the implementation of a market economy. The history of Brazil is fascinating and moves quickly. Coups, revolutions, reforms and ideas are generated quickly, and fizzle out almost as fast. And with all this comes a distinct Brazilian culture - its music, cultural and ethnic makeup, and the ideas that percolate throughout Brazilian society all influence and alter events. Brazil is a unique country, and this one volume history is an excellent starting point to anyone looking to read up on one of the world's largest countries by land, economy, and population. Brazil has not always played a central role in global politics, but has had an interesting history not reliant fully on global forces. It's unique position, its strong sense of culture, and its large size all speak to a history that will continue to be interesting, and as recent news has shown, continue to be front page news. I can easily recommend this read to anyone interested in reading up on Brazil. It is a solid starting point.
The book begins by examining the (sparse) history of Brazil's indigenous peoples, and noting that much has been lost to history due to a lack of written records, and indifference to the plight of Brazil's indigenous community by historians and politicians - which does continue to this day. Brazil's written history largely starts with the charting and colonization of the region by Europeans, who left numerous written records. The area was claimed by Portugal as negotiated in agreements with another regional colonizer; Spain, and approved by Papal decree. However, Portugal spent many decades cementing its claims against rival powers - notably France and the Dutch Republic. However, Portugal eventually one out, and sought to build a colony reliant on the European market, and geared toward the export of raw resources. Porugal in exchange brought over European systems of governance and organization, and missionary zeal for the spread of Catholicism.
Portugal's interests in the region began with the export of Brazilwood, but would eventually grow to include coffee, nuts, fruits, exotic woods and animals, and of course, sugar. This would lead to a large scale transformation of what is now Brazil, as massive plantations were erected. These plantations required a workforce to complete arduous and dangerous tasks for relatively cheap. The Portuguese used slaves. At the beginning the slave workforce was taken from local tribes of indigenous peoples, but as they died off, these were replaced by slaves brought over from Portugal's African colonies; Guinea-Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique. These African slaves brought their own local cultures and customs with them, and transformed Brazil's ethnic makeup. Even so, slaves and freed slaves had almost no rights at all, and were subject to brutal and humiliating treatment, lack of food and shelter, and racial repression for centuries.
This system of Portuguese settlement lasted for centuries until the 19th century. In this time, Portugal created a system of racial hierarchy that favoured white Europeans above all else, and little of the Black, mulatto, or Indigenous populations. European's were prioritized in all aspects of state and local power. Even so, resistances did flare up. Colonies of escaped slaves sprung up in the dense Brazilian interior in order to resist systems of slavery. Federalists and Republicans began to organize for provincial/state autonomy, or greater political representation - inspired by events in the United States and France during the Revolutionary era - as well as the independence movements in neighbouring Spanish colonies. Even so, the colonial system in Brazil lasted up to 1822.
Events in Europe would spell the end of Portuguese colonization in Brazil. The invasion of Portugal by Napoleon forced the House of Braganza to flee Lisbon to its colony in Brazil, where it would stay until the early 19th century, years after Napoleon had been defeated. King Joao VI of Portugal set up a government in exile in Brazil, and stayed until after the political situation in Europe has cooled. Upon his return, he left his son Dom Pedro as regent in Brazil. However, a growing nationalist movement that sought Brazilian independence used this as a pretext to declare independence - with Dom Pedro crowned as Emperor in Brazil in 1822. The Empire of Brazil would last until its dissolution in 1894 and the creation of the first Brazilian Republic. During the Empire's tenure, a national identity was created, focusing on myths of environmental purity, and a romanticism of Indigenous figures and imagery. The Brazilian Emperor's (there were two) would involve themselves in attempts to define Brazilian culture as independent of Portugal's, as well as grappling with powerful landowners, the abolitionist movement, and foreign wars against Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay. This final war against Paraguay was to spell the monarchy's downfall - straddled with debt, with numerous casualties, and a war that lasted for five years, the monarchy was eventually overthrown, and a Republic announced in 1894.
This First Republic sought to increase the power of the states against the traditional centralization tactics of the monarchy. Infact, it led to the creation of a cronyist state, where elections were meaningless (with only ~5% of the population eligible to vote). Power shifted between the states of Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais. Each state represented a particular party (Republican and Liberal respectively), and the presidency rotated between each interest group. Power was secured through cronyist deals with local governors, who in turn were given great authority inside their own localities. The people had little or no say in affairs, and slaves, blacks and the indigenous, as well as the poor and immigrants, had no say at all. This state began to prioritize the interests of coffee plantation owners, who became immensely powerful and wealthy as the international price of coffee rose. Even so, this First Republic would see the ending of slavery in Brazil in 1889, although this by no means led to an increase of rights for the black population. The First Republic by and large represented the interests of a small elite, and they did whatever it took - whether it be abolishing slavery or violently repressing revolution, to hold on to power.
This state of affairs lasted until 1930 - when the First Republic was overthrown. This was due to the increasing power of Sao Paulo over its partner in Minas Gerais, as well as the discord in other provinces that had little say in political decisions at the Federal level. Discord also arose from workers, Federalists, and those looking to increase political representation by removing the extremely strict voting requirements. Political instability followed the collapse of the First Republic, and order was restored by Getulio Vargas, who instituted an authoritarian regime under the guise of democracy. At first a firm supporter of the military, and an admirer of Italian Fascism and the Nazi Party, Vargas nevertheless navigated the explosive waters of foreign diplomacy leading up to WWII, while seeing numerous reforms instituted in the style of an authoritarian state. He cozied up to the Americans and British by purchasing arms and technological equipment, while also espousing the nationalist sentiments of the likes of Franco and Mussolini. Vargas put down numerous revolts during his tenure, but also proved to be an astute politician. He always had his finger on the pulse of Brazilian society, and began to promote Brazilian culture in the form of Samba and other cultural phenomena - which became immensely popular in Brazil. He instituted reforms in the economy and sought to strengthen Brazil's industrial sector - Brazil was still largely reliant on exports of agricultural produce at the time. He would eventually go on to support the growing workers movement and in turn his political base was often from trade unions, moderate communists, and social democrats, as well as, for a time, the military. He increased the autonomy of Brazil in the international community, focusing on nationalistic economic policies, a solid political, social and cultural system, and building up the military. This last reform would be his downfall. Although he was an authoritarian figure, and was slow to reform Brazil's atrocious racial policies, he was well liked by most voters at the time. His regime was characterized by economic growth and progress, and an increasing sense of Brazilian nationalism. He also characterized fascism while supporting labour. His reign was a dictatorship through and through, and one with a distinct Brazilian flavour. He also sat over a regime that institutionalized racism and harshly put down any critics.
Vargas was overthrown by his chosen successor - General Dutra, and a group of military officers. Vargas' downfall came in 1946, with a restoration of democracy - albeit for a short period of time. The legacy of Vargas' rule also included the strengthening of the military, and its desire to involve itself in politics. Dutra was an inept politician, and was soon replaced once again by Vargas in the - who was reelected by popular vote in 1950. This time Vargas was forced to participate in a strengthened democracy, and did so adeptly. As said, he courted labour and the left, and created the state owned oil company Petrobas - which meant windfall profits for Brazil. Vargas oversaw the implementation of developmentalist policies in Brazil, following a socialist developmental model of government administered economic development and sector targeting. However, this time powerful groups were poised against him. The military would not forgive Vargas for defeating their chosen candidate, and global politics was on their side. The military formed a clandestine organization that was organized and financially and politically supported by the United States. Vargas began to shift to the left, growing closer to Cuba and using a socialist model favoured by the USSR and satellites. He tried to navigate the waters between the two opposing camps, also courting the Americans, but this time global polarity was too great. Vargas would eventually commit suicide in 1954, in a final act of political theater that delayed a military coup by a few years.
In 1956, a new President took power - Juscelino Kubitscheck (or JK for short). JK was one of the final democratically elected leaders in Brazil, and a fairly adept one at that. He embraced the developmentalist model, and began to modernize Brazil's infrastructure. He built thousands of kilometers of roads throughout Brazil, and oversaw the construction of Brazil's new capital - Brasilia. This was a city built as a symbol of a new Brazil - removing the age old power struggle between Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and other centres of power. These years of democracy were characterized by a growing cultural movement in Brazil, lead by massive amounts of book, film, music and integration into global cultural movements coming from Brazil, and political ideas from the socialist world. It would last until 1963, when a military coup, backed by the United States, sought to overthrow democracy in Brazil and create a dictatorship. It succeeded.
The military regime was characterized by numerous changes in the highest seat of power, but also by extreme political repression and violence. Opposition candidates from any left leaning party, as well as those that spoke out against the military regime, were removed from office. Many were forced into exile. Demonstrations against the coup were put down by force. Trade unions were closed, and strikes broken up by gunfire. Journalists, artists, academics and student leaders were either silenced through censorship, or would disappear or die in mysterious circumstances. The military government set up numerous intelligence agencies to fight communism, but in reality, to stamp out political dissent and strengthen military rule. Any form of dissent was punishable by the law, and emergency measure were put in place to ensure compliance with the military. The Coup was coupled with a period of rapid economic growth - largely due to US investment and the price of oil - factors largely outside of domestic control. Brazilian businesses were largely bought up by foreign interests, and deregulation of economic controls occurred. However, the government would increase its power over culture, the media and politics. This regime was largely brutal in its execution of politics, and brokered no alternative voice. It set up a token opposition - a mere puppet party, and regularly arrested any vocal dissenters from all walks of life. This regime stayed in power - like other authoritarian regimes, due to its economic performance. However, reliance of foreign capital and oil exports made the Brazilian economy fragile, and increasingly reliant on the stability of the global market. When the OPEC crisis of 1973 hit, oil prices surged, and the Brazilian economy crumpled. The governments legitimacy was shaken, and military leaders began to become wary. The path forward was a slow democratization, accompanied by brutal repression of dissent and massive censorship. This regime would only end in 1985.
1985 saw a collapse of the dictatorship, but not necessarily a return to full democracy. The following years up to 2003 were a slow opening of the state, as the government slowly improved the independence of the legislature and judiciary, and uncoupled itself from its developmentalist control of the economy - largely mirroring economic trends globally. This was compounded by the collapse of the USSR in 1989, and the creation of a unipolar world. It also saw the rise of President Lula de Silva - who got his political chops as a dissident labour activist during the dictatorship. His and his successor - Dilma Rousseff's, ideology, however, would collapse under political reality, and he governed much as others have - utilizing favours, cronyism, and corruption. The recent mass protest against Dilma Rousseff came to the fore after leaks about government corruption in regards to Petrobas, the state owned oil company. This book was written before the fall of Rousseff's government, and the election of the current president, Jair Bolsonaro in 2018, who has strong backing from the military.
This book is a wonderful overview of Brazilian history, from its earliest times, through Portuguese colonization, Brazilian monarchy, republics, and dictatorships. The book is a dizzying portrait of numerous characters not mentioned above; poets, painters, politicians, rebels, General's, soldiers and most importantly, the people of Brazil. The book is a slow progression through racial hegemony, slow reform, and modern society - characterized by increasing poverty, slowly improving social rights, and the implementation of a market economy. The history of Brazil is fascinating and moves quickly. Coups, revolutions, reforms and ideas are generated quickly, and fizzle out almost as fast. And with all this comes a distinct Brazilian culture - its music, cultural and ethnic makeup, and the ideas that percolate throughout Brazilian society all influence and alter events. Brazil is a unique country, and this one volume history is an excellent starting point to anyone looking to read up on one of the world's largest countries by land, economy, and population. Brazil has not always played a central role in global politics, but has had an interesting history not reliant fully on global forces. It's unique position, its strong sense of culture, and its large size all speak to a history that will continue to be interesting, and as recent news has shown, continue to be front page news. I can easily recommend this read to anyone interested in reading up on Brazil. It is a solid starting point.
April 26, 2024
Considering the vastness of the country, the complexity of history and its uniqueness as the only non Spanish speaking nation in South America it is extraordinary that there are so few up-to-date English language histories of Brazil. That we now have one written by two superb Brazilian historians translated into English is something wonderful and that they have unique insights and perspectives as well expertise makes this wonderful history very welcome.
Does it have shortcomings? all one volume histories covering 500 years have problems because of the need to cover so much in, even at 800 pages, to little space. Particularly as the authors attempts to rectify and balance the often problematic history telling of the past as well as providing a multitude of voices and perspectives on more recent years. No such book as this will be free of longueurs but they will be probably different for every reader. I found the coverage of the 19th century through to the Estada Novo particularly fascinating but its coverage of early colonisation efforts and more recent post WWII events less so. But this is personal I cannot criticise the areas I find less interesting. Although this is not a book that you need to read every part of you will be grateful the more you do because if a period is not gripping it is providing foundations for what will come later.
Most English language readers are so woefully ignorant of Brazilian history, never mind that of the rest of the area loosely termed Latin America, that I would say that reading at least some of this magisterial and, to be honest very readable history, is a must for anyone who wishes to have any real sense of the worlds vast variety and complexity. Even more so if you have encountered any of this area through its fecund and marvellous literature.
Does it have shortcomings? all one volume histories covering 500 years have problems because of the need to cover so much in, even at 800 pages, to little space. Particularly as the authors attempts to rectify and balance the often problematic history telling of the past as well as providing a multitude of voices and perspectives on more recent years. No such book as this will be free of longueurs but they will be probably different for every reader. I found the coverage of the 19th century through to the Estada Novo particularly fascinating but its coverage of early colonisation efforts and more recent post WWII events less so. But this is personal I cannot criticise the areas I find less interesting. Although this is not a book that you need to read every part of you will be grateful the more you do because if a period is not gripping it is providing foundations for what will come later.
Most English language readers are so woefully ignorant of Brazilian history, never mind that of the rest of the area loosely termed Latin America, that I would say that reading at least some of this magisterial and, to be honest very readable history, is a must for anyone who wishes to have any real sense of the worlds vast variety and complexity. Even more so if you have encountered any of this area through its fecund and marvellous literature.
June 10, 2018
Lilia M. Schwarcz and Heloisa M. Starling give a portrait of Brazil in such a way that you find it readable and yet very confusing. Its not their fault, its Brazil. The country embodies such a mass of contradictions, such combinations of opposites and is so rich in diversity that to claim a simple history would be impossible. The work however is to be commended, as it gives a comprehensive birds eye view of the many struggles that made the history of Brazil.
The continual struggles between regions, cultures, peoples and the rich and the poor is a constant theme. The unity also comes out in all the cultural panoply of a country both new and unique as well as international and connected.
The book is a must, to have attempted this mamoth task alone makes it worth reading. But to be plain about it, the writing is straightforward and easy to read. The argument is a very liberal one that seems to lament at many points that Brazil could not have been like the United States in structure and fortune. That it does not wallow in the sadness of its tragedy is a definite plus. Instead we have an optimism and a vitality to the work that mirrors the history of Brazil itself.
The continual struggles between regions, cultures, peoples and the rich and the poor is a constant theme. The unity also comes out in all the cultural panoply of a country both new and unique as well as international and connected.
The book is a must, to have attempted this mamoth task alone makes it worth reading. But to be plain about it, the writing is straightforward and easy to read. The argument is a very liberal one that seems to lament at many points that Brazil could not have been like the United States in structure and fortune. That it does not wallow in the sadness of its tragedy is a definite plus. Instead we have an optimism and a vitality to the work that mirrors the history of Brazil itself.
August 29, 2016
Um livro que cumpre muito bem seu objetivo, apresentar uma visão ampla da história do Brasil. Acaba sendo um convite para aprofundar os estudos nesse tema e na história de cada região ou evento histórico. Independente disso, consegue deixar claro os ciclos de opulência e exploração que marcaram o país, respeita muito do simbolismo e do imaginário que cercam a noção de Brasil sem ignorar os excessos, abusos e a violência inerente à essas construções sociais. O ponto alto do livro é demonstrar, ao abordar a escravidão e as revoltar populares ao longo dos séculos, como o ideário de que o Brasil é um país pacífico e cordial não é nem um pouco condizente com a nossa história. Na verdade, somos um país que foi construído a ferro e a fogo; expressão metafórica mas que para muitos fora algo sentido na pele. A parte dedicada ao século XX é uma das mais elucidativas e decepcionante, explica muito da nossa condição atual de país e demonstra que enquanto não entendermos nossos erros estamos fadados a repeti-los. O que é uma inverdade, visto que a história não se repete, mas não resta dúvida que a semelhança entre ação/reação impressiona.
December 23, 2018
"A história é o único recurso de que o Brasil dispõe para dar um futuro ao seu passado."
July 6, 2015
Excelente texto sobre a história do Brasil, nem acadêmico, nem escolar, que se lê como jornalismo mas é escrito com o rigor da História. Enfatiza muito, e bem, a barbárie da escravidão e a resistência dos quilombos. Os capítulos sobre a fuga de D. João VI de Portugal e sobre o Brasil Imperial são especialmente bem escritos. A seleção das imagens, a começar pela capa, é impecável. Só sinto um pouco de falta de atenção às regiões mais remotas do país.
October 4, 2021
Cabei deus, amem senhor
November 15, 2017
Gostei muito do livro, muito bem organizado e bem escrito, bem crítico. Incrivelmente para um livro de história, sua leitura prende a atenção, tem um desenvolvimento menos de livro didático e mais de contar e analisar os fatos históricos. Tanto que é um livro parrudo, e a gente não sente que falta muito para terminar... Apenas senti um desbalanço nas análises entre os relatos dos feitos pela "esquerda" e os feitos pela "direita" (deixei entre aspas, porque na verdade é difícil saber o que é um ou outro na nossa história), uma certa tendência a valorizar os feitos da esquerda. Em particular, os ocorridos em 1968 não aparecem no livro! Como já li os dois livros do Zuenir Ventura sobre essa fase da nossa história (1968: O ano que não terminou e 1968: o que fizemos de nós), foi uma fase importante da nossa história que deve ficar registrado em qualquer livro que queira ser fiel aos ocorridos. É citado, mas muito superficial. Não leia e acredite em todas as análises pós-fato que o livro oferece, é bom se vacinar antes. Por exemplo, lendo o livro de História do Brasil do Bóris Fausto.
February 8, 2024
menina que odisseia
October 31, 2021
Brasil: uma biografia é um livro enorme e extremamente denso com informações. Apesar disso, a experiência de lê-lo é muito prazerosa. É um deleite absoluto. As autoras lançam mão de uma linguagem elegante e de fácil entendimento, mas isso não as impediu de abarrotar valor informacional em cada página. Elas provam, assim, que rigor acadêmico não é sinônimo de prolixidade ou preciosismo linguístico, e que textos dignos de leitura em cursos universitários podem, ao mesmo tempo, ser acessíveis ao público leigo.
Creio que essa façanha possa ser explicada por três razões, e nenhuma delas é a superficialidade: em primeiro lugar, quando aparece, a meta-história (reflexões sobre a historiografia em si) é sempre pontual e pertinente – não cai em digressões; em segundo, Lilia e Heloísa não são autoras de primeira viagem e têm experiência acadêmica invejável: ambas são professoras titulares de universidades públicas federais; em terceiro – e talvez principalmente –, o expurgo de notas explicativas e bibliográficas do rodapé das páginas para um compilado ao final do livro (prática cada vez mais comum em trabalhos modernos) tem a consequência de forçar a prosa principal a ser mais objetiva e clara.
Quanto ao conteúdo em si, cobre desde o Brasil colonial até a redemocratização, com mais detalhes quanto mais no passado estiver o assunto. Ao longo de todo o livro, as autoras discutem a evolução das noções de nação e de identidade nacional e a construção da cidadania no Brasil – e talvez esta discussão seja o principal diferencial da obra. Elas também denunciam – e provam – que a história do Brasil não é tão pacífica quanto fomos levados a acreditar pelas fontes mais tradicionais (sobretudo as oficiais); muito pelo contrário: a violência sempre foi um fator marcante no país, e ainda o é.
A história propriamente dita lê-se como uma saga de ficção, mas no bom sentido: os personagens são apresentados com suas personalidades; os ambientes, com detalhes visuais e sensoriais; o enredo, com conflitos e resoluções, pontos de inflexão, clímax e catarse. De fato, a experiência não é só de aprendizagem, mas também de entretenimento.
Já os tópicos de economia e relações exteriores s��o abordados de maneira menos completa. Estão presentes, e não te deixam o leitor desorientado. Contudo, não há muita profundidade nesses dois aspectos. Mas isso é compreensível, e ambos merecem livros separados. Assim, não há demérito aqui.
Em suma, Lilia e Heloísa produziram um trabalho extraordinário.
Creio que essa façanha possa ser explicada por três razões, e nenhuma delas é a superficialidade: em primeiro lugar, quando aparece, a meta-história (reflexões sobre a historiografia em si) é sempre pontual e pertinente – não cai em digressões; em segundo, Lilia e Heloísa não são autoras de primeira viagem e têm experiência acadêmica invejável: ambas são professoras titulares de universidades públicas federais; em terceiro – e talvez principalmente –, o expurgo de notas explicativas e bibliográficas do rodapé das páginas para um compilado ao final do livro (prática cada vez mais comum em trabalhos modernos) tem a consequência de forçar a prosa principal a ser mais objetiva e clara.
Quanto ao conteúdo em si, cobre desde o Brasil colonial até a redemocratização, com mais detalhes quanto mais no passado estiver o assunto. Ao longo de todo o livro, as autoras discutem a evolução das noções de nação e de identidade nacional e a construção da cidadania no Brasil – e talvez esta discussão seja o principal diferencial da obra. Elas também denunciam – e provam – que a história do Brasil não é tão pacífica quanto fomos levados a acreditar pelas fontes mais tradicionais (sobretudo as oficiais); muito pelo contrário: a violência sempre foi um fator marcante no país, e ainda o é.
A história propriamente dita lê-se como uma saga de ficção, mas no bom sentido: os personagens são apresentados com suas personalidades; os ambientes, com detalhes visuais e sensoriais; o enredo, com conflitos e resoluções, pontos de inflexão, clímax e catarse. De fato, a experiência não é só de aprendizagem, mas também de entretenimento.
Já os tópicos de economia e relações exteriores s��o abordados de maneira menos completa. Estão presentes, e não te deixam o leitor desorientado. Contudo, não há muita profundidade nesses dois aspectos. Mas isso é compreensível, e ambos merecem livros separados. Assim, não há demérito aqui.
Em suma, Lilia e Heloísa produziram um trabalho extraordinário.
January 21, 2018
Livro extremamente bem-escrito, compreensivo e instigante. Escrito em um meio termo entre o acadêmico e o o jornalístico, apresenta uma aguda versão da história. Seu diferencial, talvez, esteja na seriedade com a que os temas são abordados e na valorização de aspectos culturais e simbólicos da trajetória brasileira.
Talvez a melhor "história geral" do Brasil escrita para os tempos atuais.
Talvez a melhor "história geral" do Brasil escrita para os tempos atuais.
January 7, 2021
A short yet thorough and engaging introduction to the history of Brazil, covering the periods from early Portuguese colonization to the modern struggles with democracy and corruption issues (both relatable from a personal perspective of growing up in Russia). The years from 2015 to 2017 are covered only in afterword to English translation of the book, so the Portuguese and English versions are ending on quite different notes and outlook for the future.
Sometimes the book jumps over the large spans of years, but those "jumps" are usually well justified (like the history of dictatorship in 60s-80s being filled with false propaganda and many documents from that time being destroyed). A few times the political history parts were hard to follow.
Other than that, I really enjoyed the book and the style of storytelling. Highly recommend it to anyone interested in the history of Brazil as a base for trying to understand its present and its people.
Sometimes the book jumps over the large spans of years, but those "jumps" are usually well justified (like the history of dictatorship in 60s-80s being filled with false propaganda and many documents from that time being destroyed). A few times the political history parts were hard to follow.
Other than that, I really enjoyed the book and the style of storytelling. Highly recommend it to anyone interested in the history of Brazil as a base for trying to understand its present and its people.
May 16, 2020
As with many books on subjects about which I know little and are fascinating, this one is hard to review. Did I love the book itself per se, or did I love the story it told and the joy of learning details of something about which my prior knowledge had mostly been skeletal, and skeletal stereotypes at that. After some consideration, I think I enjoyed both about equally. The discovery and colonization of Brazil was completely different from that of British North America in which I live or from New Spain. So was the governance and the economic development of colonial Brazil. The nature, and frankly the weakness, of the Portuguese state and empire as well as the lack of external threats either from Indians or from rival empires meant that colonial Brazil developed much more autonomously than did the Spanish, British and French American empires. It was also much more decentralized within itself. This meant the society and the culture was quite unique and distinct from Portugal, and also from other societies making Brazil a very unique society from the first. The explication of this fact, and the nature of Brazilian society and culture is what makes the book so engrossing. It really is written as a biography and I think that was an excellent decision by the authors.
It's political maturity was also arrived at MUCH differently. During the Napolenic Wars it became the refuge of the Portuguese monarchy and the seat of the Portuguese empire globally when metropolitan Portugal was occupied by Napoleon. I never really understood this but it was a fascinating story and the son of the Portuguese monarch stayed on in Brazil to rule it as an emperor even when his father returned to Portugal. This was a sort of halfway house to independence. The independence and early democratization of Brazil is also a fascinating story. The authors do an excellent job of describing the development of the social, political and cultural life of Brazil from the mid-nineteenth to the early 20th century.
The story of the manumission of the slaves in Brazil, which was partially the result of foreign pressure, and also the views of elites, helped mightily by the need to recruit soldiers to fight in the fiasco of the Paraguayan war was also fascinating. I really felt my Americanness reading that section. The story of slavery in Brazil was much much different than in the US, just as or more brutal, it was massively larger, and went on for much longer. There were also numerous successful slave revolts and runaway slaves were able to set up their own communities by fleeing deeper into the jungle, some of whom engaged in successful wars against Brazilian communities. For all this, manumission itself was a gradual, legal process rather than a military one in as in the United States. Racial inequality is just as much, if not more, of an issue in Brazil than in the US, but reading in detail about how another American country dealt with the issue was an education.
At the early 20th century the focus becomes increasingly centered on the political life of the country and the personalities which dominated it and this is the case straight through to the launch of the dictatorship in 1964. While I do feel as though during this period more attention was paid to the wider life and development of Brazil, the political figures and intrigue made an extremely fascinating study, which I enjoyed greatly.
I would say it was an outstanding story that did not end particularly well. The authors, both left-leaning academics, wrote an afterword in which they decried the popular protests against the leftist government of Dilma and the use of the courts against the corruption of the leftists in the government as authoritarian when they had been praising the protests and prosecutions by the left against the right as a sign of democracy and freedom in their final chapter. This, and the narrative structure of the whole of the period of the 1964-1985 dictatorship focusing almost exclusively on the resistance of the leftists elites which I could not help but think left a lot out of it.
It's political maturity was also arrived at MUCH differently. During the Napolenic Wars it became the refuge of the Portuguese monarchy and the seat of the Portuguese empire globally when metropolitan Portugal was occupied by Napoleon. I never really understood this but it was a fascinating story and the son of the Portuguese monarch stayed on in Brazil to rule it as an emperor even when his father returned to Portugal. This was a sort of halfway house to independence. The independence and early democratization of Brazil is also a fascinating story. The authors do an excellent job of describing the development of the social, political and cultural life of Brazil from the mid-nineteenth to the early 20th century.
The story of the manumission of the slaves in Brazil, which was partially the result of foreign pressure, and also the views of elites, helped mightily by the need to recruit soldiers to fight in the fiasco of the Paraguayan war was also fascinating. I really felt my Americanness reading that section. The story of slavery in Brazil was much much different than in the US, just as or more brutal, it was massively larger, and went on for much longer. There were also numerous successful slave revolts and runaway slaves were able to set up their own communities by fleeing deeper into the jungle, some of whom engaged in successful wars against Brazilian communities. For all this, manumission itself was a gradual, legal process rather than a military one in as in the United States. Racial inequality is just as much, if not more, of an issue in Brazil than in the US, but reading in detail about how another American country dealt with the issue was an education.
At the early 20th century the focus becomes increasingly centered on the political life of the country and the personalities which dominated it and this is the case straight through to the launch of the dictatorship in 1964. While I do feel as though during this period more attention was paid to the wider life and development of Brazil, the political figures and intrigue made an extremely fascinating study, which I enjoyed greatly.
I would say it was an outstanding story that did not end particularly well. The authors, both left-leaning academics, wrote an afterword in which they decried the popular protests against the leftist government of Dilma and the use of the courts against the corruption of the leftists in the government as authoritarian when they had been praising the protests and prosecutions by the left against the right as a sign of democracy and freedom in their final chapter. This, and the narrative structure of the whole of the period of the 1964-1985 dictatorship focusing almost exclusively on the resistance of the leftists elites which I could not help but think left a lot out of it.
February 10, 2017
O livro nos ajuda a compreender muito bem o estágio atual do Brasil, o que somos e porquê o somos. A minha (triste) constatação é que estamos ainda na infância da democracia, muito embora a mesma já dê sinais de esgotamento em vários pontos. Mas já foi pior em termos de (ausência de) liberdades individuais e de uma sociedade civil praticamente inexistente. Hoje temos ainda uma presença muito forte das velhas oligarquias que vêm sim deste os tempos imperiais, as quais insistem em manter os seus privilégios e não arredam o pé, diante de uma sociedade que quer mudança, mas que também carrega em si muitos daqueles mesmos vícios.
A leitura é longa, dá pra ver que tem um enorme trabalho de pesquisa e descreve o Brasil de 1500 até Lula, mas com poucos detalhes no período pós redemocratização. Achei muito bem escrito, um pouco lento no seu primeiro terço, mas depois toma fôlego e deslancha. É muito interessante relembrar e aprender o contexto em que surgiram tantas figuras que marcaram a nossa história, desde Pero Vaz de Caminha, passando por Maurício de Nassau, D João VI, D Pedro I, D Pedro II, a República Velha, Luis Carlos Prestes, Carlos Lacerda, Getulio Vargas, JK, Janio, Jango, os generais da ditadura, chegando a Brizola, Ulisses, Tancredo, Sarney, Collor, FHC e Lula.
As revoltas dos colonos contra a metrópole, as revoltas pela emancipação de norte a sul, a chaga da escravidão, a fuga de D. João VI, o massacre dos indígenas, a incessante disputa pelo poder, o processo civilizatório, os movimentos culturais, o patrimonialismo, a chegada da democracia... Tudo isto é muito bem mostrado (sem chatice) e nos faz refletir como esse Brasil é um personagem complexo, miscigenado, violento e marcado por uma profunda desigualdade.
Ao final tem uma linha do tempo mostrando, lado a lado, os principais acontecimentos ao longo da história no Brasil e no mundo. Enfim, leitura muito recomendada pra quem quer se educar sobre a nossa história e poder conversar sobre ela com um nível melhor de entendimento.
A leitura é longa, dá pra ver que tem um enorme trabalho de pesquisa e descreve o Brasil de 1500 até Lula, mas com poucos detalhes no período pós redemocratização. Achei muito bem escrito, um pouco lento no seu primeiro terço, mas depois toma fôlego e deslancha. É muito interessante relembrar e aprender o contexto em que surgiram tantas figuras que marcaram a nossa história, desde Pero Vaz de Caminha, passando por Maurício de Nassau, D João VI, D Pedro I, D Pedro II, a República Velha, Luis Carlos Prestes, Carlos Lacerda, Getulio Vargas, JK, Janio, Jango, os generais da ditadura, chegando a Brizola, Ulisses, Tancredo, Sarney, Collor, FHC e Lula.
As revoltas dos colonos contra a metrópole, as revoltas pela emancipação de norte a sul, a chaga da escravidão, a fuga de D. João VI, o massacre dos indígenas, a incessante disputa pelo poder, o processo civilizatório, os movimentos culturais, o patrimonialismo, a chegada da democracia... Tudo isto é muito bem mostrado (sem chatice) e nos faz refletir como esse Brasil é um personagem complexo, miscigenado, violento e marcado por uma profunda desigualdade.
Ao final tem uma linha do tempo mostrando, lado a lado, os principais acontecimentos ao longo da história no Brasil e no mundo. Enfim, leitura muito recomendada pra quem quer se educar sobre a nossa história e poder conversar sobre ela com um nível melhor de entendimento.
July 24, 2019
An ambitious project and you will learn something, but it's more useful the less you know about Brazil.
This is more a collection of popular narratives pertaining to Brazil's successive leadership than anything else. The instances where the authors venture beyond the endless palace walls to discuss the Brazil outside of the endless politicking for power are the most interesting pieces of the story. There is scant analysis and explanation of underlying causes beyond what is obvious or deemed relevant by the authors which can leave the reader unsatisfied.
Furthermore, there is an assumption of consensus thinking throughout the book, which also undermines the objectivity and credibility of some controversial points in history.
This is more a collection of popular narratives pertaining to Brazil's successive leadership than anything else. The instances where the authors venture beyond the endless palace walls to discuss the Brazil outside of the endless politicking for power are the most interesting pieces of the story. There is scant analysis and explanation of underlying causes beyond what is obvious or deemed relevant by the authors which can leave the reader unsatisfied.
Furthermore, there is an assumption of consensus thinking throughout the book, which also undermines the objectivity and credibility of some controversial points in history.
January 23, 2022
"O número de baixas sofridas pelo país (Paraguai) é até hoje objeto de discórdia, e oscila entre 800 mil e 1,3 milhão"
- Lília Schwarcz em Brasil: Uma Biografia (2015)
"Os cálculos mais confiáveis indicam que metade na população paraguaia morreu, caindo de aproximadamente 406 mil habitantes, em 1864, para 231 mil em 1872."
- Boris Fausto em História do Brasil (2013)
É difícil ler um livro com um erro tão grosseiro, falta apuração, falta estudo adequado, falta análise. Brasil: Uma Biografia era para ser um livro que desbancaria todos os outros, mas virou um panfleto de opiniões políticas. Uma decepção sem precedentes para mim.
- Lília Schwarcz em Brasil: Uma Biografia (2015)
"Os cálculos mais confiáveis indicam que metade na população paraguaia morreu, caindo de aproximadamente 406 mil habitantes, em 1864, para 231 mil em 1872."
- Boris Fausto em História do Brasil (2013)
É difícil ler um livro com um erro tão grosseiro, falta apuração, falta estudo adequado, falta análise. Brasil: Uma Biografia era para ser um livro que desbancaria todos os outros, mas virou um panfleto de opiniões políticas. Uma decepção sem precedentes para mim.
January 17, 2021
Construindo o país como principal personagem, as autoras mostram como, desde o início, o Brasil e seu povo serviram a interesses de uma elite política e econômica que, ao longo da história, se metamorfoseou, mas sempre esteve lá. Ligando os pontos dos golpes e contra-golpes nesse fio condutor, dá ótimos insigths para compreender o momento social e político presente. Destaque para as vivas resistências que são sempre tão desbotadas nos livros didáticos de história.
March 8, 2022
'Brazil: A Biography' is a captivating but at times tedious read. The book explains the history of the country in almost pedantic detail, and reads more like a history textbook than a biography. If excessive nomenclature and specificities interest you, then I would recommend the book. Otherwise, I would look elsewhere for a story of the country for the amateur history buff.
August 13, 2016
This is the best overall history of Brazil that I have ever read. I highly recommend it for Portuguese language readers. I can only hope that it will soon be available in English.
March 8, 2024
Iniciei a leitura dessa grande obra no ano passado, e após tê-la deixado de lado por alguns meses a concluí no dia seguinte ao anúncio da eleição de Lilia Moritz Schwarcz para a Academia Brasileira de Letras. Eu não poderia estar mais de acordo com os imortais, mesmo tendo sido esse o primeiro livro da autora que tenha lido. Ela e Heloisa Murgel Starling são historiadoras e escritoras brilhantes.
Em "Brasil: uma biografia", Schwarcz e Starling propõem ao leitor uma viagem exuberante pela história - tão cambaleante, tão suada, tão sofrida, mas tão colorida, tão efervescente, tão única - do Brasil, tendo conseguido condensar muito bem o essencial de cada século, do XVI ao XX. A história brasileira é repleta de eventos que renderam grandes livros só para si, e por isso o leitor pode ter a impressão de que as autoras passaram muito rapidamente por alguns deles, especialmente se o evento é caro a quem lê a obra. Certamente não foi tarefa fácil para as autoras decidir onde ir mais a fundo e o que abordar mais velozmente. Na minha opinião, fizeram-o primorosamente.
A edição que li do livro é a segunda, de 2017, e sabemos todos a guinada na nossa história que se desenhava já naquele ano e que se confirmou no ano seguinte. Buscarei em algum momento ler a parte final da edição mais recente da obra, ainda que me dê dor no estômago s�� de pensar nos quatro anos mais nefastos da nossa história desde a redemocratização. Mas é isso: a história está aí para ser vivida, escrita, debatida e, idealmente, entendida. Que prevaleça na biografia do Brasil do futuro a democracia.
Em "Brasil: uma biografia", Schwarcz e Starling propõem ao leitor uma viagem exuberante pela história - tão cambaleante, tão suada, tão sofrida, mas tão colorida, tão efervescente, tão única - do Brasil, tendo conseguido condensar muito bem o essencial de cada século, do XVI ao XX. A história brasileira é repleta de eventos que renderam grandes livros só para si, e por isso o leitor pode ter a impressão de que as autoras passaram muito rapidamente por alguns deles, especialmente se o evento é caro a quem lê a obra. Certamente não foi tarefa fácil para as autoras decidir onde ir mais a fundo e o que abordar mais velozmente. Na minha opinião, fizeram-o primorosamente.
A edição que li do livro é a segunda, de 2017, e sabemos todos a guinada na nossa história que se desenhava já naquele ano e que se confirmou no ano seguinte. Buscarei em algum momento ler a parte final da edição mais recente da obra, ainda que me dê dor no estômago s�� de pensar nos quatro anos mais nefastos da nossa história desde a redemocratização. Mas é isso: a história está aí para ser vivida, escrita, debatida e, idealmente, entendida. Que prevaleça na biografia do Brasil do futuro a democracia.
February 14, 2020
An exhaustive (and sometimes exhausting) history of Brazil from Cabral to Collor. Originally published in Portuguese in 2015, this English version provides an in-depth look at Brazil's history up to 1995, with a conclusion summarizing FHC, Lula, and the impeachment of Dilma.
Schwarcz and Starling admit that they are not writing an objective history, but are creating a biography with lessons for today (xxv). Their goal is to "describe the long road toward Brazilian citizenship" (586). To do this, they explore how the people of Brazil gained rights as the country developed.
The authors explore the development of Brazil through the export of sugar (ch. 2) and gold (ch. 4) and scourge of slavery (ch. 3). They tell the fascinating story of how Dom João VI of Portugal moved his entire court to Brazil in 1808 (chs. 6-7) and the reigns of Dom Pedro I (chs. 8-9) and Dom Pedro II (chs. 10-12). Things really got interesting with the corruption of the First Republic (ch. 13) and the Vargas dictatorship (ch. 14). The Second Republic covered the presidencies of Dutra, Vargas, Kubitschek, and Quadros (chs. 15-16). The book concludes with Goulart and the military dictatorship (ch. 17), a detailed look at how the dictatorship fell, followed by the presidencies of Sarney and Collor (ch. 18).
Some chapters were more interesting than others. I'm glad I persevered through this 600-page tome, but it was not always a fun read.
Schwarcz and Starling admit that they are not writing an objective history, but are creating a biography with lessons for today (xxv). Their goal is to "describe the long road toward Brazilian citizenship" (586). To do this, they explore how the people of Brazil gained rights as the country developed.
The authors explore the development of Brazil through the export of sugar (ch. 2) and gold (ch. 4) and scourge of slavery (ch. 3). They tell the fascinating story of how Dom João VI of Portugal moved his entire court to Brazil in 1808 (chs. 6-7) and the reigns of Dom Pedro I (chs. 8-9) and Dom Pedro II (chs. 10-12). Things really got interesting with the corruption of the First Republic (ch. 13) and the Vargas dictatorship (ch. 14). The Second Republic covered the presidencies of Dutra, Vargas, Kubitschek, and Quadros (chs. 15-16). The book concludes with Goulart and the military dictatorship (ch. 17), a detailed look at how the dictatorship fell, followed by the presidencies of Sarney and Collor (ch. 18).
Some chapters were more interesting than others. I'm glad I persevered through this 600-page tome, but it was not always a fun read.
February 28, 2024
If the app would allow it, I would give this book 3.5 stars. Here is why.
I read this book first and foremost because I wanted to know more about Brazilian history, of which I knew little. That goal was achieved. However, this is not easy reading. At times, the book is quite verbose and rich in terminology and names that probably do not mean much to non-Brazilian readers.
Moreover, it is somewhat unbalanced. As a Dutchman, I would have liked to learn more about the Dutch conquest of northern Brazil in the 17th century, but that episode does not receive much attention. At the same time, I could have done without the extensive description of the luggage that the Portuguese royal family took to Brazil when they fled from Lisbon during the Napoleonic wars.
In addition, some of the things I did happen to know about the history of Brazil prior to reading this book remain unmentioned. The Ford motor company leased a huge tract of land in northern Brazil in the 1920s to produce rubber, but the authors decided not to mention it. The book does not explain how or when football was introduced in Brazil or how the game became so immensely popular. The destruction of the Amazon rainforest also remains a footnote. Omissions like these make me wonder what else I did not learn about Brazil by reading this book.
However, in all fairness, covering 500 years of history of a continent-sized country is no mean feat.
I read this book first and foremost because I wanted to know more about Brazilian history, of which I knew little. That goal was achieved. However, this is not easy reading. At times, the book is quite verbose and rich in terminology and names that probably do not mean much to non-Brazilian readers.
Moreover, it is somewhat unbalanced. As a Dutchman, I would have liked to learn more about the Dutch conquest of northern Brazil in the 17th century, but that episode does not receive much attention. At the same time, I could have done without the extensive description of the luggage that the Portuguese royal family took to Brazil when they fled from Lisbon during the Napoleonic wars.
In addition, some of the things I did happen to know about the history of Brazil prior to reading this book remain unmentioned. The Ford motor company leased a huge tract of land in northern Brazil in the 1920s to produce rubber, but the authors decided not to mention it. The book does not explain how or when football was introduced in Brazil or how the game became so immensely popular. The destruction of the Amazon rainforest also remains a footnote. Omissions like these make me wonder what else I did not learn about Brazil by reading this book.
However, in all fairness, covering 500 years of history of a continent-sized country is no mean feat.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
January 26, 2019
Brazil is one of the largest countries in the world, it is rich with natural resources and a growing population. But it also troubled, staying on the brink of development, with large segments of the population living in poverty and illiteracy.
Why I started this book: Brazil is a fascinating, beautiful and troubled country.
Why I finished it: Brazilians joke that they have "Order and Progress" on their flag because it's the only place in the country that you can find it. Brazil is a country of extremes, wealth and poverty, natural beauty and trash filled cities, brutal police and violent gangs, and so much more. This was a great history of the country that has held out the promise of paradise and lived in and with the violence of hell for more than 5 centuries since the Europeans first arrived.
Why I started this book: Brazil is a fascinating, beautiful and troubled country.
Why I finished it: Brazilians joke that they have "Order and Progress" on their flag because it's the only place in the country that you can find it. Brazil is a country of extremes, wealth and poverty, natural beauty and trash filled cities, brutal police and violent gangs, and so much more. This was a great history of the country that has held out the promise of paradise and lived in and with the violence of hell for more than 5 centuries since the Europeans first arrived.
January 30, 2021
Livro muito bom para quem tem um conhecimento nível Ensino Médio da História do Brasil, como eu. Imagino que pra quem estuda História num nível superior esse livro não seja tão interessante, pelo fato de não ser muito aprofundado, servindo mais como uma espécie de apanhado geral dos últimos 500 anos, e sendo permeado pela interpretação das autoras. A bibliografia é riquíssima e me deu muitos títulos para a minha lista de futuras leituras.
O final do livro, publicado em 2015, parece excessivamente otimista e quase ingênuo, se lido hoje, em 2021, depois de tudo que aconteceu nos recentes anos: “[...] no Brasil, quem sabe, a democracia pode não ter um fim, e o futuro ser bom.”
O final do livro, publicado em 2015, parece excessivamente otimista e quase ingênuo, se lido hoje, em 2021, depois de tudo que aconteceu nos recentes anos: “[...] no Brasil, quem sabe, a democracia pode não ter um fim, e o futuro ser bom.”
November 8, 2020
O livro é faz uma boa biografia da história do Brasil. Se por um lado se perde a profundidade da análise de períodos históricos específicos, o leitor é mais do que compensado com a abrangência e um estilo interessante de escrita e análise das autoras. Além disso, há inúmeras referências bibliográficas para quem se interessar mais profundamente por algum periodo ou acontecimento específico. Valeu a pena a leitura!
March 9, 2020
Fui ler este livro tomada por indagações acerca do que diabos é o Brasil, de como chegamos até o "aqui e agora". Se o livro não responde às minhas angústias, ele abre algumas perspectivas que me permitem começar a refletir acerca das ambiguidades que se encontram no cerne da cultura, da história e da identidade do Brasil e do brasileiro. A tarefa é árdua, mas a leitura é agradável.
December 19, 2023
Excelente livro para quem quiser saber mais sobre a história do Brasil do período colonial até o governo FHC. Leitura fácil, prazerosa e possui muitas informações e dados difíceis de encontrar.
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